From a sociological perspective, gender analysis should not be limited exclusively to women, it is equally important to consider the other half of the system, which is men. In one of the surveys, respondents were asked to evaluate the statement, “When there are not enough jobs, men should have more right to a job than women”. As a result, 52.5% of respondents agreed with this statement to some extent, while 44.9% disagreed^[1]. At the same time, while 55.5% of men agreed with this statement, the share among women was slightly lower, 50% of respondents.

The data reveal the internal contradictions within the society’s value framework. Even with notable progress in education and women’s employment, the idea of male priority in times of job scarcity still enjoys significant support, particularly among married, less educated, and economically vulnerable respondents. This reflects the dual nature of gender modernization, where the pursuit of equality coexists with persistent notions of men as the mainstay of the family and bearers of material responsibility.

What are the socio-demographic characteristics? The crosstabulations on gender, age, education, marital status, and income reveal significant patterns:

• Middle age as the zone of greatest tension. Men aged 30–45 show the strongest support for traditional attitudes, and this is quite natural. At this stage of life, such major social responsibilities as paying off a mortgage, raising children, or caring for elderly parents converge. Society places more demands on them while offering fewer guarantees. This imbalance gives rise to a defensive conservatism, a desire to cling to old norms as a way to preserve one’s identity in a rapidly changing world.
• Education and economic autonomy. A higher level of education reduces anxiety and leads to less patriarchal views, not because educated men are necessarily more enlightened, but because they are less dependent on an unstable labor market. They have more professional opportunities, feel greater control over their lives, and therefore can afford equality. Meanwhile, for those in low-income sectors, the sense of control is limited. For them, the idea that a man has a right to work is not an ideology but the last form of social security in an uncertain world.
• Profession and qualifications reduce dependence on patriarchal beliefs. Men with a stable position in the labor market are less in need of gender-based safeguards and are more likely to embrace the idea of equality. Here, patriarchy does not disappear, but it loses its protective function. Among men in unstable professional niches, however, patriarchal logic persists as a form of symbolic compensation for lost control, when success can no longer be guaranteed, maintaining the status of breadwinner becomes the last available form of stability.
• Family structures and the morality of duty. Married men are more likely to support the idea of male labor priority. However, this form of patriarchy is paternalistic in nature, it is rooted in care rather than dominance. A married man feels a moral duty to protect his family and therefore seeks to reinforce his right to work as a form of responsibility. At the same time, among single men, especially in cities, there is a clear trend toward rethinking, work and income are no longer seen as measures of worth, giving way to the idea of partnership.
• Material vulnerability and symbolic support. Cross-tabulations by income emphasize that patriarchal beliefs are strongest among economically vulnerable groups. A man with a low income lives in constant tension between the social norm that he must provide for his family and the market reality, where job stability is far from guaranteed. In this sense, patriarchal thinking becomes a form of psychological defense, restoring a sense of control in a world where rules change faster than one can adapt. Yet these attitudes are rooted in the historical inertia of the social contract, in which the man is the breadwinner and the woman keeps house. The collapse of this model without its moral rethinking leaves men in an identity vacuum. Therefore, the support for male priority should not be interpreted solely as an expression of power but rather as a sign of structural pressure. Until society offers men an alternative, positive model of self-worth, one based not on income, as it has been for decades, but on participation, partnership, and caregiving, they will continue to cling to the old one, because within it, at least, it is still clear who you are and what you live for.

Shift toward a new model of masculinity. Nevertheless, our data indicate an emerging shift. Among young men and women, especially those with higher education and urban socialization, the idea of mutual responsibility and shared family support is gaining strength. For them, equality does not threaten the male role; on the contrary, it relieves it of excessive pressure. This is no longer a battle of the sexes, but a gradual adaptation of the social system in which masculinity ceases to be synonymous with duty and becomes a form of participation. Among young people (18–29 years old), patriarchal views no longer dominate. They do not reject responsibility, they share it. Young men increasingly see the family as a partnership; for them, equality is not a threat but a liberation from the solitary burden of being everything for everyone.

The balance of meaning. As the data show, our society continues to revolve around the “man as a breadwinner” model. It is important to note that this role is shaped not only within the family, through upbringing, but also by the media, professional expectations, and even humor. A man is measured by his degree of responsibility, if the family lives well, it is his achievement; if family struggles, it is his, man, fault. This very cultural belief creates structural pressure on male identity, where the loss of income or employment is perceived as a moral failure.

I predict the objections from the first-generation feminists, who might view these ideas as biased, referring to male dominance in parliament, government, national campaigns, and even the media scene. Indeed, the Olympus remains male. However, the analysis presented here does not concern those at the top, but rather those men who sustain the system, the millions of ordinary men who do not make decisions, but live in their shadow.

Feminists of the second and third generations are known for their sensitivity to the language of softening; for them, patriarchy is not about personal anxiety but about a system of power. Yet it is important to acknowledge that both sides suffer from patriarchy, women from limitation, and men from pressure. The aim here is not to justify, but to describe mutual vulnerability.The new ethics: partnership instead of competition. The data show that a new generation of both men and women is beginning to form a different relationship with work and responsibility. Among young men, the share of supporters of gender equality is noticeably higher, while among young women there is a greater readiness for partnership rather than rivalry. This generational shift may become the starting point for moving beyond the old balance of fear, if society dares to speak honestly about both women and men. Equality does not mean that someone must fall silent. Women need access to power and recognition of their work, while men need the right to be vulnerable and to bear responsibility without guilt. Equality will not grow if society continues to expect iron resilience from men and self-sacrifice from women. The overload of expectations must be lifted from both sides. Success itself needs to be redefined. A strong man is not the one who provides for everyone, but the one who knows how to share responsibility. A strong woman is not the one who endures everything, but the one who stops pretending that it’s easy. And finally, the language must change. Instead of saying a man must and a woman should, we can begin to say WE can. It’s a simple, yet profoundly important shift.

^[1] The survey, commissioned by KazISS, was conducted from May 11 to June 22, 2024, and included 8,101 respondents. Participants were adults aged 18 and older from 17 regions of the country, as well as the cities of national significance — Astana, Almaty, and Shymkent.

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These nations, while lacking the overwhelming economic or military might of superpowers, have demonstrated the ability to mediate conflicts, foster regional stability, and lead in areas such as technology, economic development, and diplomacy.

There is potential for middle powers to form coalitions and partnerships that promote mutually beneficial cooperation, secure technological progress, and enhance cultural and humanitarian interactions. Specifically, middle powers can create long-term influence by developing cooperation tracks in policy research, health, education, and science.

Existing Groupings of Middle Powers

One of the most promising opportunities for middle powers lies in forming coalitions that promote shared interests. Unlike alliances that are primarily security-focused, coalitions of middle powers can be built around broader goals, such as economic development, technological innovation, and cultural exchange.

An example of such an economic coalition is the MIKTA group, which includes Mexico, Indonesia, South Korea, Turkey, and Australia. Formed in 2013, MIKTA was created to bring together middle powers from different regions to collaborate on topical issues like trade and development. While MIKTA remains relatively informal, it represents a model for how middle powers can band together to create collective influence.

Another area of potential cooperation for middle powers is in promoting mutually beneficial technological transfer. Rather than engaging in zero-sum competition, middle powers are more likely to pursue collaborative solutions that create win-win outcomes, ensuring all participants benefit from their international partnerships.

For example, consider the cooperation between South Korea and Vietnam. In the past decade, these two middle powers have developed close economic ties, with South Korean firms investing heavily in Vietnam’s manufacturing sector. Hyundai, for instance, has invested $415 million in Vietnam, employing 2,300 workers, with an estimated revenue of $2.6 billion last year. This relationship has been mutually beneficial, as Vietnam’s economy has grown rapidly, and South Korea has secured access to a stable and affordable manufacturing base.

Such cooperation is not limited to economic ventures. Another critical component of successful middle power coalitions is the promotion of national and cultural respect and legacy. Middle powers often possess rich cultural heritages that serve as soft power assets. By focusing on cultural diplomacy and fostering mutual respect for national identities, middle powers can enhance their international influence without relying on hard power.

One of the most successful and enduring examples of cooperation built on these principles is the Nordic Cooperation. The five Nordic countries—Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden—share a deep cultural and historical bond, yet each country maintains a distinct national identity. This balance between shared values and respect for national differences is central to the success of Nordic collaboration, particularly through the Nordic Council and Nordic Council of Ministers.

By fostering coalitions based on mutual respect and shared interests, middle powers can create sustainable partnerships that not only enhance their global influence but also promote stability and development. These alliances demonstrate that collaboration grounded in cultural respect and common goals can lead to long-term, positive outcomes for all involved.

 Vectors for Joint Action

Middle powers have significant opportunities for collaboration in various domains that go beyond traditional forms of cooperation. By working together in fields such as policy research, health, education, science, and culture, middle powers can leverage their strengths to influence global outcomes.

One of the most critical areas where middle powers can collaborate is through the establishment of joint think tanks and policy research centers. In today’s interconnected world, policy solutions need to address complex, cross-border issues. For example, think tanks from member countries of the Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia (CICA) could pool their intellectual resources to produce evidence-based policy recommendations. This collaboration could focus on issues often overlooked by major powers, such as sustainable development in emerging economies, managing regional conflicts, and fostering cooperation in climate adaptation. By creating a shared platform for research, these countries can promote policies that reflect the interests of middle-income nations, rather than aligning with the polarized agendas of superpowers.

Health is another domain where middle powers can play a transformative role by cooperating on the research, development, and distribution of medical innovations. The COVID-19 pandemic highlighted inequalities in global health systems, particularly in the availability and distribution of vaccines and treatments.

 During this period, several countries took decisive steps to address these gaps, including Kazakhstan, which developed its own COVID-19 vaccine, QazVac (QazCOVID-in), to contribute to global health efforts. Kazakhstan’s development of QazVac is a prime example of how middle powers can leverage their scientific capacity to support global health.

Middle powers can create partnerships focused on global health initiatives, particularly in areas of pandemic preparedness, vaccine equity, and addressing non-communicable diseases like diabetes and heart disease, which disproportionately affect developing nations. For instance, India, as a major producer of generic drugs, could collaborate with other middle powers to ensure affordable access to life-saving medicines for low-income countries.

Digital education is another area where middle powers can take the lead. Countries like India and South Korea have made great strides in online education platforms, and they could partner with other middle powers to share best practices and technologies. By working together, they could expand access to quality education in regions where traditional schooling is difficult due to geographic, economic, or political barriers. Joint ventures in educational technology (edtech) would not only support education in low-income countries but also strengthen the global competitiveness of middle powers in this growing industry.

Kazakhstan, for example, has made efforts to expand digital education as part of its broader education reforms. The country has launched various initiatives to develop online education platforms and integrate digital technologies into the learning process. Through platforms like Bilimland, which provides digital resources for students and teachers, Kazakhstan has been working to modernize its education system and ensure that students across all regions, including rural areas, have access to quality learning materials. Additionally, Kazakhstan is prioritizing the development of digital skills among its population, aligning with the global trend of emphasizing information and communication technology (ICT) in education.

Joint educational programs can also be developed to foster intercultural understanding and collaboration between students from middle power nations. These exchange programs could be tailored to specific fields such as technology, international relations, or environmental science, providing a platform for students to collaborate on real-world issues.

Scientific research has the power to drive transformative change, and middle powers can create significant global impact through joint scientific initiatives. For example, middle powers could work together to establish regional research centers of excellence. These centers would focus on key global issues such as food security, water conservation, and biodiversity.

Kazakhstan has contributed to developing its scientific research capabilities, particularly in fields like environmental sustainability and renewable energy. The country has prioritized scientific innovation as a means to address both national and global challenges. For instance, initiatives by the Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and the National Academy of Sciences have contributed to research in areas such as water management and green technologies.

Such collaboration would not only generate valuable research but also encourage the sharing of resources, technology, and knowledge among countries that have historically been underrepresented in global scientific initiatives. Joint research on water management, agriculture, and renewable energy could address global challenges while simultaneously elevating the scientific status of these nations.

 A Platform for Middle Power Collaboration

The upcoming Astana Think Tank International Forum, scheduled for October 16-17 in Astana, Kazakhstan, will provide a platform for international experts from middle powers to discuss pressing global issues.

This forum will focus on enhancing security, stability, and sustainable development through various lenses, addressing key challenges and opportunities for middle powers in 2024 and beyond.

The forum’s vision is to explore who middle powers are, what distinguishes them from major global players, and how they can contribute positively to international relations, diplomacy, and global stability.

The forum is designed to appeal to analysts, diplomats, academics, and other intellectuals interested in the current and future role of middle powers in the global order.

By addressing shared challenges and identifying areas of mutual interest, the forum aims to establish a framework for long-term cooperation among middle powers, enabling them to become more influential players in the global system.

Through this forum, middle powers will not only strengthen their bilateral relationships but also create multilateral networks that foster innovation, cultural exchange, and economic development.

As the world moves further into a multipolar era, the Astana Think Tank International Forum will serve as a crucial stepping stone in empowering middle powers to collectively shape the future of global governance.

 In conclusion, as the global order continues to evolve towards multipolarity, the role of middle powers is becoming increasingly crucial. By forming coalitions, establishing joint research initiatives, and leveraging their unique strengths in areas like policy research, health, education, and science, middle powers can collectively address some of the most pressing challenges facing the world today.

Through continued partnership and shared commitment to global stability and development, middle powers can ensure that their voices are heard, their contributions recognized, and their influence on the global stage is both meaningful and enduring.

Yerkin Tukumov, Director of the Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies for World Geostrategic Insights (WGI).

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The goal of this transition is to reduce environmental pollution and greenhouse gas emissions as well as to create a sustainable energy system, which is less dependent on fossil fuels and using more renewable energy. In the past, these transitions were smooth, occurring in accordance with innovation cycles and gradual structural changes in economy.

The modern transition differs significantly from previous energy transitions (for example, shift from wood to coal or from coal to oil). Thus, transition to low-carbon energy is distinguished by its speed and pace, and it is carried out rapidly, in less than a quarter of a century (fig.). This is due to an increase in the average temperature of the earth’s surface and the accelerating climate change processes, which limit governments to time and requires incredible efforts to implement low-carbon policies.

In addition, the transition from fossil energy sources to renewables (RES) requires a fundamental restructuring in energy system and production structure in the next couple of decades. The transition does not only lead to a number of challenges, especially for low-income countries, but also it opens up space for economic and social progress.

Figure. Periods of energy transitions.
Source: Visual Data-Based Economics in Vaclav Smil’s book “Energy Transformations: Global and National Perspectives” (2017).

Thus, at the stage of the fourth energy transition, the basis is not so much the economic attractiveness of new energy sources as a qualitatively new factor, namely combating global climate change and the need for decarbonization.

All these processes form certain global trends characterizing future economic development:

– reducing dependence of economic growth on increased energy consumption. According to scientists, in recent years in the leading economies of the world, including the United States, China and the EU, primary energy consumption has remained unchanged. In countries such as the United Kingdom, Japan and Germany, GDP growth is accompanied by a decrease in energy consumption;

– reducing the industry energy intensity under the influence of structural shifts, improving technological processes, introducing more efficient equipment, and so on. Progress will be more observable in the countries investing large amounts of resources on innovations, new technologies and scientific discoveries. These include the United States, EU countries, as well as large developing countries such as China. According to the National Development and Reform Commission, China’s energy intensity decreased by 26.4% over the 2013 to 2023 period;

– the flow of capital from energy-intensive to less energy-intensive industries. Revaluation of commodities and assets taking into account climate risks requires businesses to expand their strategic horizons and redirect capital flows to finance the industry assets meeting global decarbonization purposes. Stated by the IMF, an increase in investments in low-carbon projects is required from $900 billion in 2020 to $5 trillion per year by 2030. As a consequence, the green finance market will grow. According to a research report published by Spherical Insights & Consulting, the global green finance market was estimated at $4.18 trillion in 2023, and is expected to reach $28.71 trillion by 2033;

– reducing energy consumption in the transport sector per unit of GDP. The reduction will accelerate in the future. According to DNV (international organization for security and risk management), global transportation will consume 9% less energy, and the use of oil for transportation will be reduced by 46%. It is also worth mentioning the shift from road freight to rail transportation, from production of internal combustion engines to the manufacture of electric vehicles;

– transformation of global production and supply chains. Carbon emissions coming from global supply chains are growing faster than emissions from other sources. In addition, modern consumers care not only about obtaining a product that meets their needs. They want products improving their lives, with production and supply chains that meet ethical standards and are environmentally responsible. Solving the problem requires a revision of many aspects of trade and transport and transit policy;

– transformation of the labor market. Accelerating the pace of transition to sustainable energy sources provokes replacing existing jobs in high-carbon sectors with new jobs in low-carbon sectors, while some jobs may disappear. This transformation may be accompanied by an increase in the unemployment rate in certain sectors, a decrease in the income level of the population, and social upheavals. Thus, according to the ILO (International Labour Organization), 18 million jobs may be created by achieving sustainability in the energy sector by 2030, while introduction of a cyclical economy may create another 6 million jobs. At the same time, there will be job cuts in oil production and refining, coal mining and coal power generation.

The aforementioned trends describe only a small part of changes that many states are already facing these days. This demands rethinking the prospects of the implemented economic policy in the long term.

The ongoing processes have both positive and negative impact on the economies worldwide. As a result, the progressive economies may move forward even more, while the less progressive ones may end up worse off.

Thus, the fourth energy transition has many underlying problems. International experts, in particular Daniel Yergin, identifies at least four key problems: energy security, macroeconomic consequences, the gap between North and South, and the limited supply of minerals. Each of these problems is not easy to overcome due to their interconnectedness and interdependence.

In conclusion, it is important to note that the modern energy transition is caused by a variety of explicit and implicit factors that fundamentally change both modern economic and political dynamics of many states, which requires them to think deeply and choose the optimal strategy for further development.

Assel Aben, Chief Expert of the Department of Economic Policy Analysis at the KazISS under the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan

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The summit is planned to adopt the “Central Asia-2040” Regional Cooperation Development Strategy. This conceptual document has been developed to expand five-sided interaction and strengthen the international subjectivity of Central Asia.

The event will also focus on issues related to the development of cooperation, stability, and security in the region, including trade and economic partnerships, and the development of transport and logistics infrastructure.

Consultative meetings of Central Asian leaders have been held since 2018 and have evolved from a tradition into a constructive platform for regional cooperation and development, with joint actions to address common challenges. Notably, the first meeting was held in Kazakhstan, in Astana. Today, there is a pressing need to organize a working body for annual high-level meetings.

It is important to note that in recent years, the level of cooperation among Central Asian countries has significantly increased, with enhanced interaction both within the region and in the “C5+1” format.

Regional relations have gained greater priority, and new heights in partnership have been reached. For instance, agreements on allied relations have been signed and expanded with Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan.

Interaction is expanding not only in political but also in trade, economic, investment, transport, communication, environmental, water-energy, and humanitarian spheres. In the past 10 years alone, mutual trade among the countries in the region has increased 2.5 times, reaching nearly $11 billion, with our exports accounting for $5.5 billion.

Overall, strengthening regional cooperation and improving the investment climate are becoming key factors for the development of economic cooperation and the business environment in Central Asia.

Alisher Tastenov, Chief Expert of the Department of Asian Studies at KazISS under the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan

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The value of education and scientific knowledge is a priority in Kazakhstan’s society. According to the data, the level of education of citizens is growing. Thus, in 2010, the education of the employed population in Kazakhstan was mainly at the secondary level (42%), in 2021 the number of people with technical and vocational education – 43%, higher education – 40%. Along with the growth of intelligence, the number of Kazakhstanis working directly in the field of science has increased. In the early 2000s, the number of science workers did not exceed 15 thousand people, and in 2022 this figure increased to 22.5 thousand. It should be noted that not only quantitative indicators are growing, but also qualitative ones. Thus, in the structure of scientific workers, the number of those who have a scientific degree has increased. Doctors of science – 8%, doctors of Philosophy PhD – 11% and candidates of science – 18%.

Interestingly, the gender representation of science workers is also changing. Many women have academic qualifications and work in a scientific field that has long been the prerogative of men. According to UNESCO, women make up about 30% of research workers around the world. Progress is especially noticeable in some sub-sectors, such as the Life sciences industry, where women make up 49% of the global workforce. The gap in relation to the increase in the number of women in Kazakhstan has intensified over the past decade. According to statistics, in 2013, the ratio of women/men in terms of the number of research specialists – 51.5% was also 48.5%, in 2021 there were 54.5% women and 45.5% men.

However, although these studies and indicate that the gender orientation of actions may change, the positions of women in them are still lower than that of men. An important step in this direction was the appointment of Kunsulu Zakaria as president of the National Academy of Sciences under the president of the Republic of Kazakhstan by the order of the head of state. This is the second case in the history of the Academy of Sciences when a woman was appointed to this position. Currently, the representation of women among academicians of the NAS RK is only 10%, among corresponding members-a little more – 22.4%. These data are related to the general global trend, in which, according to UNESCO, only 12% of the members of the National Academies of Sciences are women. At the same time, in low-income countries, their share is even smaller. However, realizing the value of Science and scientific knowledge, we must strive for equality of opportunities and the involvement of various categories of citizens in science.

Gulnaz Kassymova,

KSI under the president of the Republic of Kazakhstan

Public opinion research

leading expert of the Department

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