Aigul Zabirova,
Chief Research Fellow,
KazISS under the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan
Last week, on the International Day of Women and Girls in Science, I found myself reflecting on how the issue of women in science is part of a broader historical process. In Kazakhstan, women make up more than half of current university students. However, this majority does not have equal representation in the economy and government. At what point in development does a state begin to understand that it needs not only men but also women equally? Why does this shift take so long to occur?
Modernization rarely begins with the idea of equality. It begins with the need to consolidate power and stabilize the state. The priority is to accelerate economic growth and ensure stability. Historically, countries pursuing rapid development first concentrate resources. They build infrastructure, roads and factories, expand industry, and strengthen administrative capacity. In this phase, men often become the central figures of modernization, soldiers, engineers, industrial workers. Yet as the economy grows more complex, relying on only one part of society becomes insufficient. In academic literature, this shift is often described as state feminism, a process in which women’s inclusion and empowerment are promoted from above as part of a broader state modernization project.
When Modernization Needed Women
To what extent was women’s entry into professional life a deliberate choice? How was it linked to a country’s shift toward a more complex economy? A classic example of state feminism is Turkey under Kemal Atatürk. Expanding women’s rights and access to education was seen as a symbol of a modern, secular state. Women were not only participants in state-led reforms but also visible markers of cultural transformation.
Soviet modernization, which shaped Kazakhstan’s development, followed a similar pattern. Women’s access to education and their large-scale entry into the workforce were part of a state project. This was not emancipation in the strict sense. Rather, it was inclusion directed from above. At the same time, such core sectors of the economy as heavy industry, mining, infrastructure remained largely male-dominated. The breadwinner model became the norm, men were viewed as primary economic actors, while women combined paid work with primary responsibility for family care.
South Korea followed a comparable path. Rapid industrial growth in the 1960s and 1970s relied mainly on male labor. As the country moved toward a knowledge-based economy, broader female participation became necessary, especially in professional and managerial roles.
Scandinavian countries went further. Childcare systems, flexible work arrangements, and policies supporting equal access to employment became part of national competitiveness. In these societies, women’s participation was not only an economic adjustment but also a shift in social norms.
Japan offers a more layered example. Modernization began in the Meiji era, when women gained access to education and industrial work. Yet a strict gender hierarchy remained. The ideology of the “good wife, wise mother” defined women primarily through family responsibility. After World War II, Japan rebuilt its economy and later moved into high-technology sectors. At that stage, broader female participation became economically necessary.
Today, Japanese women are highly educated and active in the labor market. The government promotes greater inclusion. Yet wage gaps persist, women remain underrepresented in senior leadership, and family and care responsibilities still fall largely on them. Many face a double burden, balancing career and family expectations. At the same time, Japan experiences low fertility rates and later marriages[i].
These cases show that women’s inclusion in the workforce is rarely a spontaneous social movement. More often, it is shaped by state policy. As economies become more complex, they require a wider pool of skilled participants. Yet economic change often moves faster than social norms. This gap is especially visible in countries shifting from industrial production to economies where knowledge and skills are the main resources. Kazakhstan is now entering precisely such a stage.
Kazakhstan at a Transition Point
After gaining independence in the 1990s, Kazakhstan had to focus on survival and stabilization. The priorities were preserving industrial capacity, developing the resource sector, and attracting investment. The immediate goal was economic stability. Redefining gender roles or restructuring the labor market was not on the agenda.
Today, the country is at a different stage. Strategic documents increasingly emphasize human capital, diversification, and a shift toward a more advanced development model. Growth now depends on knowledge, digital skills, and initiative. It requires flexibility and the ability to operate in a global environment. Under these conditions, one conclusion is clear: sustainable development is not possible without using the full potential of society.
Women in Kazakhstan are highly educated. They make up more than half of university students. They are strongly represented in education, healthcare, finance, and small business. Yet imbalances remain. Women are still underrepresented in high-paying technical roles, senior management, and government positions. The wage gap persists. In addition, they continue to carry most family and care responsibilities. As a result, their potential is present, but not fully realized.
State Feminism Today
In the twentieth century, women’s participation in paid work was often treated as a social issue. Today, it is closely linked to the country’s future. Investment in girls’ education, support for women entrepreneurs, and policies that help balance work and family are no longer only about equality. They are about long-term development.
In many countries, this shift was driven less by ideology and more by practical considerations. Without broader female participation, growth slows. Scandinavian countries, South Korea, Japan, and Singapore each expanded women’s educational and professional roles as part of their transition toward more knowledge-based systems. For Kazakhstan, this discussion is becoming increasingly relevant.
Modernization in the twenty-first century brings both opportunities and pressures. Digitalization and flexible labor markets make economies more dynamic, but also more competitive and unstable. In this context, expanding women’s participation cannot be a temporary adjustment. It requires attention to job quality, career pathways, and reliable social infrastructure. Seen this way, state feminism is not about a “women’s issue.” It is about how national development is organized.
Human Mirror
Modernization is not only about GDP or investment flows. It is about how a society uses its human capacity. As systems become more complex, it becomes difficult to justify leaving half the population at the margins. Women in Kazakhstan have long demonstrated strong educational and professional performance. The question is no longer whether they can contribute, but whether existing structures allow them to do so fully. Development cannot be reduced to technology or infrastructure alone. At its core, it is about people. In this sense, state feminism offers a lens through which to examine how completely a country mobilizes its human potential.
[i] Ueno Ch. The Modern Family in Japan: Its Rise and fall. Victoria, Australia: Trans Pacific Press. 2009
